There is no society as complex as ours. With multiple layers of castes and sub-castes, the country is socially split. Though the principle official language is Hindi and English is considered to be the secondary official language, there are more than 22 other (including Hindi) official languages. With different religions, approximately 2,000 dialects, demographic divisions and climactic zones — Ladakh freezes, Chennai burns — India is indeed a diverse nation.
Therefore, the country needed a person like Dr BR Ambedkar to script a law book to keep this complex society together and transform it. As a democracy, India has not only survived, but also thrived. The country is changing even though it is slow and well below our expectations. India is not the same today as it was in 1950 when the Constitution came into being.
The change affected the Dalits as well. Dalits today are not what they used to be in 1950. There are instances where Dalit men have married non-Dalit women. This is perhaps the greatest change that has come about. Despite Dalits being murdered on a regular basis today, it is a sign that Dalits are making a mark. In 1950, Dalits were at the lowest rung in the caste order. Today, they are threat to the caste order. Earlier, Dalits were fighting the caste order. Now, the caste order is fighting for the Dalits to stay afloat. The caste order is loosing its grip.
As the biggest beneficiary of democracy and constitutionalism, the Dalit thinktank need to find the role the State, market and the community is playing — how best to earn freedom so that development follows.
It has been six decades since the Constitution came into being. But India has changed at a much faster in the last two decades (1990-2011) than in the previous four decades (1950-1990). The markets to a certain extent have played a role. Over decades it has empowered Dalits and it will continue to do so. But one needs to keep in mind six decades of State’s achievements in mind when it comes to Dalit upliftment. The State could not make India caste neutral. The State can’t force non-Dalits to dine with Dalits. This is where the market come in. They have played a great role — as the greatest social leveler, the market has the power to bring Dalits and non-Dalit on a common platform. But markets alone will not free Dalits.
Dalits, too, have to do something special in complementing the positive roles the Constitution, the State, democracy and markets have played in making the country caste neutral. Recently, a person asked me where do I see the Dalits in 2050? Well, this is a question that the Dalit thinktank needs to address. The rest of the society will only ask questions without coming up with a solution. The Dalits themselves will have to script a solution.
If Dalits still need reservation in 2050, there will be many more Anna Hazare’s who will rise up seeking answers. They will argue that if, even after 100 years, the Dalits still need scholarships, ration cards and special privileges because Dr Ambedkar scripted it in the Constitution then it has failed the Dalits. They will blame Parliament and democracy.
But before this happens, it is time that the Dalits themselves start proving that the Constitution, democracy and markets have worked wonders for the community. And for that to happen, they will have to quit taking the support of reservation, scholarship schemes and ration cards.
With only 39 years to go before we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the Constitution, the Dalit middle class will have to lead a new revolution of independence. All Dalits — Class I and II officers, doctors, engineers, bankers, MPs/MLAs should stop taking the benefits for their children. This will have a multiple effect.
It will prove that reservation liberates. This will silence the critics of reservation. Jobs rejected by the Dalits who are already at high posts will go to lower class Dalits. This will expand the Dalit middle class. The new beneficiaries will follow in the foot steps of the middle class Dalits and in less than two decades it will be good-bye to reservation before 2050.
The same holds true for scholarships. Though it is a great help to those who belong to the lowest class, it is definitely doesn’t portray a good image of the middle class Dalits. Today, even a fourth class Government employee gets Rs 10,000 a month as salary. If this is not enough for the education of the children how is Rs 230 a month going to solve the problem?
Therefore, in my opinion all those Dalits who have Government jobs must refuse scholarships for their children.
The Dalit underclass also has a role to play. They need to think whether they want to continue to live in villages, work on farmland and stand in queue every month to collect grains or do they want to migrate to cities, earn more and lead an independent life.
Dalits need to realise that people who live on special benefits can never walk with their heads held high.
| < Prev | Next > |
|---|
