Perception matters

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Perception matters

Wednesday, 03 June 2020 | A Surya Prakash

Perception matters

For the masses, Modi’s intentions still seem unquestionable and successes are many. Nobody is infallible and he has drawn attention to this truth, endearing himself to them

As the Narendra Modi Government 2.0 completed its first year in office after his spectacular return to power in the 2019 Lok Sabha election, there has been much debate about its balance sheet since it first assumed office in 2014. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s political enemies relentlessly bombard the social media with criticism of his Government’s performance, recent surveys have shown that they have not been able to make a dent in his public image. Instead, his popularity is soaring with his approval ratings crossing 80 per cent after the lockdown steps he took to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic.

Some nations, including the most developed, fumbled and stumbled as they waded through the human tragedy unfolding in their communities. Others like Brazil, Sweden and the US (initially) made terrible choices that led to a huge loss of life and lack of preparedness with regard to healthcare. On the other hand, India, the world’s second-most populous nation, decided to confront the problem head-on. Prime Minister Modi took the lead and enforced a nation-wide lockdown from March 25, persisted with this mode of “treatment” for nine weeks and extended it by another four weeks. Meanwhile, he had a hands-on approach towards energising the healthcare system, tackling pharma-related issues and coordinating with various Chief Ministers through fortnightly meetings.

For those of us who grew up in an India whose leaders lacked the nerve to call a spade a spade (slogans such as Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai in 1962 even as the Chinese were marching in), Modi’s resoluteness is in contrast to the vacillation of the Nehru era. This has indeed been the running theme during his six years in office and has resulted in a sea change in the way the world views India. It has also resulted in major initiatives with respect to domestic policies. For example, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had raised the slogan of Garibi Hatao (banish poverty) at public meetings during the 1970s. But concrete steps towards poverty alleviation — for example the Jan Dhan Yojana (JDY) enabling direct cash transfer; a scheme to issue free cooking gas connections to the poorest of the poor; and the construction of toilets and electrification of their homes — were visible only after Modi took charge. Within a year of the launch, 330 million new bank accounts (the current population of the US) were opened under the JDY in the country. Similarly, the Government provided free gas connections to 80 million poor households in a strictly monitored time-bound programme. These are mind-boggling numbers which Western minds find difficult to comprehend.

Two other big-ticket issues, which have had a major social and economic impact, are the banning of triple talaq and the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). With 42 political parties governing 28 States, few leaders would have contemplated GST, the single tax regime, and fewer still would have had the gumption to pull it off. As regards national security, the surgical strikes and the no-nonsense approach to the Kashmir issue are further examples of toughness. After COVID-19 disrupted our lives, the Prime Minister announced a Rs 20 lakh crore package to provide some relief to those in great distress. The central idea of this package is to make India self-reliant (Atmanirbhar Bharat). 

Over the last six years, frustration has, therefore, been growing in “The Establishment” in New Delhi, comprising Nehruvians, with the Marxists riding piggy-back on them. Together, they constitute a cosy club which spreads its wings across politics, bureaucracy, media, academia and all national institutions. In fact, the stranglehold of the Marxists over our national affairs is wholly illegitimate because people never gave them the mandate to do so (in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll, the two main communist parties — the CPI and the CPM — garnered just 2.36 per cent of the vote).

The fate of the Congress is similar. Its voteshare has slumped from 45 per cent in the 1970s to 19.70 per cent last year. Therefore, 2014 was watershed because it put an end to the illegitimate hold of the Nehruvians and the Marxists on the nation’s administration. The Lutyens’ club, which had hollowed out the Indian State with its doublespeak and pusillanimity, suddenly found itself displaced. Members of this club were aghast when the final tally of the 2014 election emerged, giving Modi’s BJP a clear majority in the Lok Sabha.

They live in an echo chamber and as the 2019 Lok Sabha poll drew nearer, they were all perked up as they shared opinions among themselves, giving Modi just 160-180 seats in the new House. In view of the defeat of the BJP in the Assembly polls in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, they believed that he would not be able to recover ground, forgetting that over the last three decades, there is substantial evidence to show that the voters think differently in State and national elections.

When the results started pouring in on May 23, 2019, and the BJP on its own crossed the 300 mark, there was deafening silence in this echo chamber. One could have heard a pin drop. As is his wont, Modi decided to carry forward his agenda without any loss of time and within months of his return, he decided to undo Nehru’s decision of according a special status to Jammu & Kashmir. Then came the Supreme Court’s verdict in the Ram Janmabhoomi case, which ended a controversy that was allowed to fester for political gains but the consequence of which had long been internalised by all parties concerned.

Modi’s opponents may not have seen merit in anything he has done so far. Theirs is just a litany of complaints and, therefore, they suffer from a major credibility deficit. They stand guilty of consistent unreasonableness and that is why they are unable to sell their wares. The reason: Their intentions are suspected.

As far as Modi is concerned, the only explanation is that for the large mass of people, his intentions (neeyat) seem unquestionable and successes are many. As everyone knows, no one is infallible. Modi himself drew the peoples’ attention to this truism in his open letter the other day when he said, “I may have some deficiency but the country does not have any.” In other words, the verdict of the majority is neeyat saaf hai (his intentions are good). So long as this is the case, there is nothing his opponents can do to unsettle him.

(The writer is an author specialising in democracy studies. Views expressed are personal.)

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