SP-BSP alliance: A masterstroke?

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SP-BSP alliance: A masterstroke?

Thursday, 10 May 2018 | Biswajeet Banerjee

History is replete with examples of BSP's alliances with other political parties not having worked. This time, again, several by-election victories in the State and a successful bandh have given Mayawati new energy. The stakes are high

With yet another battle of ballot between the Bharatiya Janata Party  (BJP) and the united Opposition in Uttar Pradesh, which is just a fortnight away when these parties will slug it out in the by-election of Kairana and Nurpur, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati’s announcement that her party will contest the next lok Sabha election with the Samajwadi Party (SP) as its alliance has bolstered the confidence of both SP and BSP workers.

Though she has kept the cards close to her chest whether the Congress, Rashtriya lok Dal (RlD) and smaller parties in Uttar Pradesh will find a place in her scheme of things, there is euphoria among the SP workers that this time, Mayawati  seems to be serious about the alliance.

leaders vouch that there is a change in the demeanour of the BSP chief after the victory of the opposition parties in the Uttar Pradesh  by-election and the successful bandh organised on April 2 by dalit youths against alleged dilution of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

The success has given Mayawati’s party a fresh lease of life as she sees an opportunity to regain the lost political ground in Uttar Pradesh where her party had received an electoral jolt in 2014 and 2017. She was at her stinging best when she issued a warning to the officials. “When we will come to power, all the cases against dalits will be withdrawn,” she said in a statement, cleverly using the word hum than ‘BSP’ in a Press note, sending the message among the political spectrum that she is ready to honour the “alliance dharma”.

Political leaders consider Mayawati as a fickle-minded leader who can change decisions within seconds. There is a history that the BSP’s alliance has not worked with any political outfit for a longer period. Can anyone forget the way the BSP ditched Atal Bihari Vajpayee, which resulted in a fall of his Government by just one voteIJ Even the way she snapped ties with the BJP in Uttar Pradesh in 1996 signifies she is no longer trustworthy.

 Mayawati is famous for her political treachery and all this is done with a design to strengthen the party. BSP founder Kanshi Ram had once told this writer that the BSP wants quick elections as it invigorates party workers and, therefore, does not mind ditching its alliance. Much water has flown down the river Gomati since Kanshi Ram said those words.

In modern politics, where religion is used to get political mileage, regional parties are blown away in a whipped up Hindutava storm. The BSP is no different. The party was decimated in the 2014 lok Sabha election, where it failed to win even one seat, though in 28 seats, it came second and in the 2017 Assembly election, it won just 19 seats.

With her back against the wall, Mayawati is fighting for her party’s survival. When all top leaders akin to Swami Prasad Maurya, Nasimuddin Siddiqui, Thakur Jaiveer Singh and Indrajeet Saroj left the BSP and joined different parties, political pundits had written requiems for the BSP. The writing on the horizon was that this is the end for the BSP because dalits deserted Mayawati and voted for the BJP in 2017 and 2014 elections.

In this scenario, the decision of Mayawati to support the SP in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur by-elections was no less than a masterstroke which is destined to change the political discourse. Her party lost the Rajya Sabha election despite the SP and Congress supporting her. She was suave in her reaction. She made it clear that one or two electoral defeats will not change the prospect of alliance.

The massive dalit support during the Bharat bandh has given her party a new energy.  In her statements, she now touts about the dilution of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and how successful the agitation was, which had terrified the BJP because of which, the Governments of BJP-ruled States were “torturing” Dalits.

“Because of the widespread success and anger within the Dalit and tribal population, the BJP’s Central and State Governments are now terrified and have started to feel the power sliding from their hands…,” Mayawati said, further adding that the atrocities committed during the Emergency seemed lesser in comparison to these arrests. This statement of Mayawati hit the BJP the most because according to her, present days are more traumatising compared to the Emergency days.

With this statement, she even tried to assuage the Congress. The BJP retaliates by reminding the Guest House case as to how the BJP had saved Mayawati’s life and made her the Chief Minister for the first time.

It goes without saying that the relation between the SP and the BSP had touched rock bottom after June 2, 1995, when SP supporters assaulted BSP legislators and even tried to storm into Mayawati’s room in the Uttar Pradesh Government’s State Guest House. She always believed that the SP’s attack on the guest house was actually an attempt on her life.

After the SP was routed in the Assembly Election, Akhilesh Yadav, who was also facing a war within the family, had shown his inclination to join hands with the BSP. Even Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief lalu Prasad had said that if BSP-SP joined hands, the alliance can wipe out the BJP. When it came to political survival, Mayawati chose to let bygones be bygones and opted for the alliance.

(The writer is Chief of Bureau, The Pioneer, lucknow)

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