FOREIGN POLICY IN FLUID WORLD ORDER

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FOREIGN POLICY IN FLUID WORLD ORDER

Friday, 14 October 2022 | Kumardeep Banerjee

FOREIGN POLICY IN FLUID WORLD ORDER

India takes up G20 Presidency in challenging times

The war in Ukraine, which is getting more violent and gruesome with every passing day, is shaping the new chapter in international relations for all major powers around the globe. The age old adage of “politics makes strange bedfellows can very well be rephrased with the word “War”.

India, the world’s fifth largest economy, is now slowly beginning to unpack its ambition of taking the leadership position in global high tables of decision making. India is helming the G20 presidency for the next year. The Indian stack, as it is popularly known, consisting of digital platform for delivering healthcare /vaccination services, an electronic interface for digital payment transactions are two distinct products which India is most likely to pitch to the G20 as model of government backed digital delivery model for public welfare, which can be widely adopted across economies.

What would be important is to keep the neutrality, openness of technology platforms at the centre of the conversation when India pitches with its distinct digital delivery models. This is also coming at a time when India’s relationship with most of the nations pitched on either sides of the fence in the Russia-Ukraine war is changing almost on a daily basis.

The US cleared the sale of nearly $450 million package for what was termed as maintenance of F- 16 fleet for Pakistan last week. It is well known against whom these F-16 would be used in case of a military escalation. However, despite a few measured harsh reactions from the External Affairs Ministry, India did not escalate the matter with the US.

The US has proposed an India US emerging defence capability dialogue which will go beyond the existing defence partnership. It could, as many sections from both sides of the government have pointed out, extend to transfer and manufacturing of key technology to India, and include new sections under cyber security, space and artificial intelligence. The second piece would need difficult conversations on the Indian side on harmonisation of standards, in the emerging technology segment.

What it suggests is the US is rethinking its security strategy in the Indo Pacific. It has so far given a privileged status to Pakistan, also place holding it, as the most influential ally of NATO in the region, but given the changed status of the Russia-China “no barriers friendship”, it is perhaps time to consider India, in the big picture.

India on its part has clearly outlined to the US the need to be suitably empowered or let us say compensated for gradually moving away from its long standing friend Russia in the long run. What may have accelerated India’s shifting stance on Russia is similar to what has led the US to rethink its strategy and the China factor, besides the growing proximity between these two neighbours. India actively maintained a neutral stance on Russia’s attack on Ukraine, but gradually it is fine-tuning the narrative to sound more and more critical of Russian action.

This shift comes at a time when India has grown to become the second largest buyer of Russian oil. The move has been justified to the world to be able to shield a vast section of its population from “globally imposed” inflation. The West, albeit critical, has started accepting India’s stance. It is this agility in foreign policy India needs to deliver on when it takes on the G20 presidency in the next couple of months.   

(The author is foreign affairs commentator)

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